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Please relate the events and circumstances of this article to the
shires and counties across the length and breadth of England’s green and
pleasant lands, to farmlands towns, villages, and beauty spots near
you. Write to your councillor and your MP. This is neither a one man
campaign nor a crusade but a must for everyone to defend their home and
land from foreign intrusion detrimental to natural resources, amenities,
and most of all the health and well-being of all. Gordon.
Lauren Petrie, Food & Water Watch
For most people, the image of a fracking
rig is probably not the first thing that comes to mind when they think
about public lands. In Colorado, we think of rushing rivers, majestic
mountains, colorful wildflowers, and fish and wildlife. But a new Bureau
of Land Management (BLM) Resource Management Plan (RMP) could open
nearly 7 million acres of BLM-managed federal mineral estate in eastern
Colorado to fracking—with little input or oversight from the very
Colorado residents who stand to lose the most if the BLM allows the
extreme oil and gas extraction process on these lands. If the agency’s
plans for Colorado follow a pattern that’ splayed out in RMPs elsewhere in the western U.S., fracking is most assuredly on the table.
A new plan from the Bureau of Land Management could open nearly 7 million acres of public land in eastern Colorado to fracking. Photo credit: Shutterstock
This
week in Colorado, the BLM launched a scoping process—a “big picture”
project evaluation designed to inform the public and solicit feedback
before the agency drafts the RMP for Colorado’s Front Range. Sadly,
BLM’s public process seems fatally flawed from the start.
The seven scheduled hearings
are far removed from the majority of Coloradans who will be affected by
the new plans. For example, the BLM failed to schedule a scoping
hearing in Denver, the state’s most
populous city, which gets 40 percent
of its drinking water from the South Platte River Basin, comprising
some 280,000 acres of land under consideration by the BLM. In addition,
Denver’s thriving tourism, fishing and microbrew industries rely on the
water from these lands and would be jeopardized by inappropriate land
uses such as fracking. The closest hearing to Denver was inconveniently
scheduled for 5:30 p.m. in Golden, which is not easily accessible via
public transit and is a 25-minute drive from downtown Denver in the
mellowest of traffic.
Unsurprisingly, the turnout was sparse at
that hearing, held open-house style on Monday evening, and featuring
about a dozen “stations” set up around the perimeter of a room, each
staffed by one or two BLM representatives that specialized in a
particular area. Staffers proffered information sheets and displayed
giant maps depicting potentially affected areas along with existing and
potential land-use designations.
In a strange case of
one-of-these-things-is-not-like-the-other, a fossil fuel company, Noble
Energy, hosted a table among the BLM stations. No other organization,
stakeholder or company had a table. When asked why no business
representing, for example, the renewable energy or tourism sector was
present, BLM staff claimed an “oversight” on the agency’s part.
According to the BLM, Congress mandates that oil and gas leases be
considered in all resource management plans. So, it would seem that the
cards are stacked in the industry’s favor right from the start.
The
BLM representatives were unable to answer specific inquiries about the
lands under consideration. When asked how many fracked wells exist on
the entirety of the land covered by the new RPM, staff admitted being
unsure and could only provide a rough estimate of 500-1,000. More
challenging questions also appeared to flummox BLM staff: What about
reduced property values near fracking wells? The steel and cement
wells will eventually corrode over time—to what extent is the BLM
considering how their inevitable failure will affect our land and water
resources? BLM staff stated that these things had never been studied, or
that the agency didn’t have the resources to conduct such large-scale
studies. Does this mean that the BLM is simply going to overlook such
critical issues before deciding whether or not to allow fracking on the
public’s land?
For an agency with the mission “to sustain the
health, diversity and productivity of America’s public lands for the use
and enjoyment of present and future generations,” BLM seems to be
leaving the public it serves out of the conversation. Instead of
preserving and protecting public lands, the BLM is actually allowing the oil and gas industry to exploit lands that the public relies on for water, agriculture, recreation, tourism, historic value and local economic opportunities.
Just last week, the BLM became embroiled in a legal battle with several environmental groups after
it approved a similar RMP in California that will open 1 million acres
of public lands to fracking. The groups claim that the plan failed to
take into consideration the effects that widespread fracking in
California’s Central Valley would have on water resources, air quality,
public health and climate change.
The BLM’s resource management plan moved forward even after a federal
judge ruled in 2013 that oil and gas leases granted previously by the
BLM in Monterey County were in violation of the law for failing to
adequately address environmental risks.
And it doesn’t stop there. The BLM was also sued in New Mexico
for granting fracking permits in the lower San Juan Basin in close
proximity to the Chaco Culture Historic National Park. The suit claims
that the BLM’s issuance of fracking permits fails to consider the
impacts that fracking will have on the quality of the environment and
integrity of cultural resources in the region.
Even though the
scoping process just began in Colorado, the BLM already knows that
Americans think fracking and public lands don’t mix. Since the launch of
a nationwide campaign in 2013, the BLM has received over 650,000 public comments demanding a ban on fracking on our public lands.
At the hearing in Golden this week, one participant asked how many
public comments it would take to ban fracking on public lands. The BLM
representative’s response was measured and instructive: public comments
are not votes; the BLM simply considers public comments when crafting
the RMP. The question is: How does the BLM weight the comments of the
public against other interests, like those of the oil and gas industry?
Thankfully,
legislators are taking notice. On April 22, U.S. Representatives Mark
Pocan of Wisconsin and Jan Schakowsky of Illinois introduced the bill Protect Our Public Lands Act (POPLA), which would effectively ban fracking on all public lands. The bill—hailed as the strongest piece of anti-fracking legislation that has ever been introduced into Congress—has already picked up more than 20 co-sponsors. In Colorado, Denver-area U.S. Representative Diana DeGette could help protect 40 percent of her constituents’ drinking water supply by signing on as a sponsor of POPLA.
The
BLM’s failure to listen to the public emphasizes the need for
Congressional action to protect our cherished public lands. As
Representative Schakowsky so eloquently stated, “[W]e owe it to future
generations to maintain their natural beauty and rich biodiversity. I
believe the only way to do that is to enact the Protect Our Public Lands
Act.”

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