By David Swanson, American Herald Tribune
The U.S. government, from Dick Cheney to Hillary Clinton, told
blatant lies about the Iraqi government creating chemical, biological,
and nuclear weapons in 2002, despite having been informed of the fact
that Iraq was doing no such thing. U.S. leaders lied about ties between
Iraq and terrorists that they also knew did not exist.
Then the U.S. military attacked and invaded Iraq, in the process
heavily bombing old sites of Iraqi chemical weapons from the 1980s, many
of those weapons having been provided by the United States. In large
part because of the U.S. origin of the old Iraqi chemical weapons, the
U.S. kept quiet about them during the new war. Another reason for the
official silence was that, during the 2003 U.S. destruction of Iraq,
many of those
old weapons were seized by fledgling terrorist groups. The
war had done exactly what it had been justified as being needed to
prevent; it had given WMDs to terrorists.
The geniuses running the U.S. military set up U.S. bases at the sites
of old chemical weapons piles, dug giant burn pits into the ground, and
began burning the military’s trash — monumental quantities of trash,
something like The Story of Stuff on steroids. They burned
hundreds of tons of trash every day, including everything you can think
of: oil, rubber, tires, treated wood, medicines, pesticides, asbestos,
plastic, explosives, paint, human body parts, and . . . (wait for it) . .
. nuclear, biological, and chemical decontamination materials.
The burn pits poisoned Iraq, together with depleted uranium weapons,
napalm, white phosphorous, and various other horrors, creating
unprecedented epidemics of birth defects, and killing untold masses of
Iraqis. The burn pits also poisoned tens of thousands of U.S. troops,
many of whom have died as a result, including very likely the son of the
current U.S. vice president. The burn pits profited Halliburton, the
company of the previous U.S. vice president.
The burn pits were no secret, although bases sometimes stopped the
burning during VIP tours. Typically, huge clouds of smoke filled the air
and created immediate breathing difficulties and sicknesses. Soldiers
knew which colors of smoke were most dangerous and discussed it as they
discussed an enemy. Numerous burn pits turned hundreds of previously
healthy U.S. troops into invalids. But the burn pits at six particular
bases caused the most severe illnesses and the most deaths. They caused,
among other things, numerous cases of constrictive bronchiolitis, which
could only have resulted from exposure to mustard gas — a chemical
weapon left over from a program the United States had supported when it
existed and used as an excuse for war when it didn’t.
I’m reminded of a ship that sits at the bottom of the Mediterranean.
In 1943, German bombs sank a U.S. ship at Bari, Italy, that was secretly
carrying a million pounds of mustard gas. Many of the U.S. sailors died
from the poison, which the United States dishonestly claimed to have
been using as a “deterrent,” despite keeping it secret. The ship is
expected to continue leaking the gas into the sea for centuries. The
earth and water of Iraq have been similarly poisoned, as have U.S.
soldiers.
The Pentagon made crystal clear in Iraq, as most everywhere else,
that it cares not a damn for the people or the natural environment of
the places it attacks, and that it cares even less for the troops it
uses to do so. But if you imagine that the Pentagon has reserved its
concern for the civilian inhabitants of the Fatherland, don’t look too
closely into the open-air burns
still happening in the United States. The U.S. military is the
third-largest polluter of U.S. waterways, top producer of superfund
disaster sites, and top consumer of petroleum. At least 33,480 U.S. nuclear weapons workers
who have received compensation for health damage are now dead. Where it
is blocked by legal regulations effectively enforced, the military
shows restraint; where it isn’t, it doesn’t. In Virginia, the military
very responsibly throws dead soldiers into a landfill rather then burning them. Either method communicates equally well just how much the military cares.
Halliburton, for its part, is as happy to deal death at home as
abroad. Residents of Duncan, Oklahoma, have sued Cheney’s cash machine
for poisoning the ground water with ammonium perchlorate. Government
investigators also concluded that Halliburton was, in part, to blame for
the BP oil spill that flooded into the Gulf of Mexico in 2010.
Joseph Hickman’s new book, The Burn Pits: The Poisoning of America’s Soldiers,
collects the evidence, including from similar incidents during the
first Gulf War that were known before the first 2003 burn pit was dug
and lit. Hickman gives us stories of young healthy men who headed off to
Iraq believing the lies, believing that the U.S. government that is now
begging Russia to stop attacking terrorists because the U.S. wants to
overthrow yet another government — believing that this U.S. government
had good intentions in attacking Iraq. These poor souls went to Iraq
hoping to protect people from horrible suffering, and ended up
inflicting horrible suffering on people including themselves. They come
home, develop cancer, get stonewalled by the VA, and die dreaming of
what it might have been to have health and the wealth needed to attend
college. Their American Dream was cut short by the militarized American
Fantasy.
Joe Biden supported a war that very likely killed his son by means of
burn pits. He then chose not to run for president because of his grief.
His decision not to run received more media coverage than several
months of the campaign of Senator Bernie Sanders who had voted against
the war. But did Biden lift a finger to hold Halliburton or the military
or the Congress accountable? Not that I’ve heard.
Hickman describes the burn pits, and analogous poisons from past wars
like Agent Orange in Vietnam, as “recklessly endangering the health of
our fighting men and women.” The only trouble with this is the fact that
all war, all “fighting,” consists of recklessly endangering the lives
of the vast bulk of the victims (the Vietnamese, Iraqis, etc.) and of
the U.S. troops. There’s nothing non-reckless about any war. Perhaps
distant drone pilots are not endangered in the typical way, but then
look at how they’re mocked within the Air Force. If troops weren’t
endangered, people wouldn’t treat them with reverence and describe them —
as Hickman does — as somehow “serving” their country, even while the
facts he includes in his book speak otherwise.
The U.S. Supreme Court has held since 1950 that members and former
members of the military cannot sue over injuries received on the job. It
may, however, still prove possible to win compensation from
Halliburton. If so, you can probably chalk up another assist to Chelsea
Manning who leaked evidence that the military had knowledge of the
dangers when it created the burn pits, knowledge that General David
Petraeus blatantly lied about in response to a Congressional inquiry.
It now appears that the 2003- war on Iraq not only created ISIS, but armed it with mustard gas,
thereby proving, I guess, that Saddam Hussein could indeed had given
WMDs to terrorists had he just been as evil as the U.S. military.
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