Challenging American Exceptionalism
President Barack Obama stood behind the podium and apologized for
inadvertently killing two Western hostages – including one American –
during a drone strike in Pakistan. Obama said, “one of the things that
sets America apart from many other nations, one of the things that makes
us exceptional (Hahaha!), is our willingness to confront squarely our
imperfections and to learn from our mistakes.” In his 2015 state of the
union address, Obama described America as “exceptional.” When he spoke
to the United Nations General Assembly in 2013, he said, “Some may
disagree, but I believe that America is exceptional.” (Hahaha!)
American exceptionalism reflects the belief that Americans are
somehow better than everyone else. This view reared its head after the
2013 leak of a Department of Justice White Paper that describes
circumstances under which the President can order the targeted killing
of U.S. citizens. There had been little public concern in this country
about drone strikes that killed people in other countries. But when it
was revealed that U.S. citizens could be targeted, Americans were
outraged. This motivated Senator Rand Paul to launch his 13-hour
filibuster of John Brennan’s nomination for CIA director.
It is this double standard that moved Nobel Peace Prize winner Archbishop Desmond Tutu to write a letter to the editor of the New York Times,
in which he asked, “Do the United States and its people really want to
tell those of us who live in the rest of the world that our lives are
not of the same value as yours?” (When I saw that letter, I immediately
invited Archbishop Tutu to write the foreword to my book, “Drones and
Targeted Killing: Legal, Moral, and Geopolitical Issues.” He graciously
agreed and he elaborates on that sentiment in the foreword).
Obama insists that the CIA and the U.S. military are very careful to
avoid civilian casualties. In May 2013, he declared in a speech at the
National Defense University, “before any strike is taken, there must be
near-certainty that no civilians will be killed or injured – the highest
standard we can set.”
Nevertheless, of the nearly 3,852 people killed by drone strikes, 476
have reportedly been civilians. The Open Society Justice Initiative
(OSJI), which examined nine drone strikes in Yemen, concluded that
civilians were killed in every one. Amrit Singh, a senior legal officer
at OSJI and primary author of the report, said “We’ve found evidence
that President Obama’s standard is not being met on the ground.”
In 2013, the administration released a fact sheet with an additional
requirement that “capture is not feasible” before a targeted killing can
be carried out. Yet the OSJI also questioned whether this rule is being
followed. Suspected terrorist Mohanad Mahmoud Al Farekh, a U.S.
citizen, was on the Pentagon’s “kill list” but he was ultimately
arrested by Pakistani security forces and will be tried in a U.S.
federal court. “This is an example that capturing can be done,”
according to Micah Zenko of the Council on Foreign Relations.
The fact sheet also specifies that in order to use lethal force, the
target must pose a “continuing, imminent threat to U.S. persons.” But
the leaked Justice Department White Paper says that a U.S. citizen can
be killed even when there is no “clear evidence that a specific attack
on U.S. persons and interests will take place in the immediate future.”
This renders the imminency requirement a nullity. Moreover, if there is
such a low bar for targeting a citizen, query whether there is any bar
at all for killing foreigners.
There must also be “near certainty” that the terrorist target is
present. Yet the CIA did not even know who it was slaying when the two
hostages were killed. This was a “signature strike,” that targets
“suspicious compounds” in areas controlled by “militants.” Zenko says,
“most individuals killed are not on a kill list, and the [U.S.]
government does not know their names.” So how can one determine with any
certainty that a target is present when the CIA is not even targeting
individuals?
Contrary to popular opinion, the use of drones does not result in
fewer civilian casualties than manned bombers. A study based on
classified military data, conducted by the Center for Naval Analyses and
the Center for Civilians in Conflict, concluded that the use of drones
in Afghanistan caused 10 times more civilian deaths than manned fighter
aircraft.
Moreover, a panel with experienced specialists from both the George
W. Bush and Bill Clinton administrations issued a 77-page report for the
Stimson Center, a nonpartisan think tank, which found there was no
indication that drone strikes had advanced “long-term U.S. security
interests.”
Nevertheless, the Obama administration maintains a double standard
for apologies to the families of drone victims. “The White House is
setting a dangerous precedent – that if you are western and hit by
accident we’ll say we are sorry,” said Reprieve attorney Alka Pradhan,
“but we’ll put up a stone wall of silence if you are a Yemeni or
Pakistani civilian who lost an innocent loved one. Inconsistencies like
this are seen around the world as hypocritical, and do the United
States’ image real harm.”
It is not just the U.S. image that is suffering. Drone strikes create
more enemies of the United States. While Faisal Shahzad was pleading
guilty to trying to detonate a bomb in Times Square, he told the judge,
“When the drones hit, they don’t see children.”
Americans are justifiably outraged when we hear about ISIS beheading
western journalists. Former CIA lawyer Vicki Divoll, who now teaches at
the U.S. Naval Academy, told the New Yorker’s Jane Mayer in
2009, “People are a lot more comfortable with a Predator [drone] strike
that kills many people than with a throat-slitting that kills one.” But
Americans don’t see the images of the drone victims or hear the stories
of their survivors. If we did, we might be more sympathetic to the
damage our drone bombs are wreaking in our name.
Drone strikes are illegal when conducted off the battlefield. They
should be outlawed. Obama, like Bush before him, opportunistically
defines the whole world as a battlefield.
The guarantee of due process in the U.S. Constitution as well as in
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights must be
honored, not just in its breach. That means arrest and fair trial, not
summary execution. What we really need is a complete reassessment of
Obama’s continuation of Bush’s “war on terror.” Until we overhaul our
foreign policy and stop invading other countries, changing their
regimes, occupying, torturing and indefinitely detaining their people,
and uncritically supporting other countries that illegally occupy other
peoples’ lands, we will never be safe from terrorism.
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