By Nil Nikandrov
From left to right: In Costa
Rica, Luis Guillermo Solís (PAC), José María Villalta (Frente Amplio),
Johny Araya Monge (PLN). In El Salvador, Norman Quijano (ARENA),
Salvador Sánchez Cerén, (FMLN) and Elías Antonio Saca (Unidad).
After the recent summit of the Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States (CELAC), at which the U.S. was not represented,
Washington is trying to get revenge in Central America. On February 2
presidential and parliamentary elections took place in El Salvador and
Costa Rica. Most predictions indicated the possibility that leftist
politicians may come to power in these countries: in Costa Rica the
leader of the Broad Front, Jose Maria Villalta; and in El Salvador,
Salvador Sanchez Ceren, the candidate from the Farabundo Marti National
Liberation Front (FMLN). It was not ruled out that there could be a
second round of elections, as in both countries there were record
numbers of presidential candidates; the electorate was divided, and it
was difficult to get enough votes to win. That is what occurred.
Washington has ensured that it will maintain control of Costa Rica
regardless of which of the remaining candidates triumphs in the second
round on April 6. Gonzalo Gallegos, who was sent to Costa Rica by the
State department in August 2013, is responsible for obtaining the result
the U.S. needs. He became acquainted with the local environment twenty
years ago, during his first appointment abroad, when he was the Director
of the Centro Cultural Costarricense Norteamericano, which has
traditionally been used as a cover for CIA agents. He gained additional
experience at the U.S. Interests Section in Havana, and then served in
Nicaragua, Colombia, and Trinidad and Tobago. His graduate degree in
National Security Strategy from the National War College testifies to
the nature of his activities. He has also been in charge of cooperation
between the State Department and the Pentagon. Among the tasks before
Gallegos during his assignment in Costa Rica are reinforcing military
ties and ensuring the continued use of Costa Rican territory for the
deployment of U.S. Navy ships and Air Force planes.
The U.S. got the green light to expand its military presence in the
country in 2010, that is, when Laura Chinchilla came to power. She was
sympathetic to the arguments of the American embassy: Costa Rica is a
country through which drugs are transported to the U.S. Costa Rica does
not have its own army, so it was implied that America’s help would be
needed in the fight against drug trafficking. Chinchilla easily
persuaded the parliament that such collaboration was necessary. She
forwarded a note on the subject from the U.S. embassy to the legislators
without translating it from English to Spanish. If one is to believe
the news agencies, the representatives voted almost unanimously in
favor. Perhaps this is why Costa Rica is increasingly being called a
«U.S. protectorate». The Americanization of the country is proceeding at
an accelerated pace.
At peak moments of the «war on drug trafficking» or for «humanitarian
activities», there may be dozens of ships at bases, from aircraft
carriers to amphibious vehicles, as well fighter planes and at least
three thousand soldiers, marines and intelligence agents. Costa Rica has
become part of a strategic zone created by Washington for the purpose
of maintaining control over a large territory rich in hydrocarbons,
mineral resources and water. Strategic points of this zone are located
in Florida, Puerto Rico, Colombia, Honduras, Panama, Haiti, and the
islands of Curacao and Aruba… Costa Rica’s cooperation in the United
States’ militarization of the region is perceived with alarm in
Nicaragua, as there are unresolved territorial disputes in the
countries’ bilateral relations, in particular, over the San Juan River.
The problem is made more acute by the upcoming construction of the Great Nicaraguan Canal in
an adjacent zone. It is theorized that Washington is deliberately
trying to stir up conflict between Costa Rica and Nicaragua in order to
block this massive Chinese-Nicaraguan project.
In El Salvador, FMLN candidate Sanchez Ceren received almost 49% of
the votes. His main rival, Norman Quijano from the National Republican
Alliance (ARENA), received 10% fewer votes. The second round will take
place on March 9. Sanchez Ceren has stated that in Latin American
conditions such a gap in results is practically a guarantee of victory,
but his party will make a maximum effort to obtain additional votes,
first of all among those who voted for the Unity (Unidad) coalition,
which took third place (over 11% of the votes). According to Sanchez
Ceren, after the first round Elias Antonio Saca, the candidate from the
Unity coalition, called him to congratulate him on his success. Ceren
emphasized: «I have no doubt that in the second round we will cooperate
with one another.» He also urged entrepreneurs, civil organizations,
women, young people, all Salvadorans and all sympathetic political
powers to support him and his party.
It must be said that ideologically, Unity is closer to ARENA, but
conflicts between their leaders are causing this party to negotiate with
FMLN. Sanchez Ceren, a former guerilla commander with Marxist views,
has become a social democratic politician and is thus basically
acceptable to Unidad. Sanchez Ceren was vice president in the first FMLN
administration (2009-2014), which was headed by independent politician
Mauricio Funes. His inconsistency, preference for neoliberal dogmas in
economics, and behind-the-scenes contacts with Americans have more than
once evoked the censure of the FMLN political leadership. Thus in the
current elections they gave up on the plan of using an «independent»
presidential candidate.
Judging by the results of the first round, the electorate has not
lost its faith in the party. However, will the ex-Commandante suit the
Obama administration as president? Even without him there is a
troublemaker in Central America – Nicaraguan Daniel Ortega.
He is the source of many problems, maintaining ties with Russia, China,
Iran, Cuba, and other countries of ALBA, the Bolivarian Alliance for
the Peoples of Our America. For this reason, one may assume that now,
behind the scenes of the election campaign in El Salvador, the U.S.
Embassy is taking steps to create an ARENA-Unidad bloc. In this case
Norman Quijano would have a chance for victory. It bears remembering
that in conducting his electoral campaign he has the assistance of Juan
Jose Rendon, a specialist in events of this sort living in Florida. The
Latin American media has written many times of his accountability to the
CIA. He has worked with Colombians Alvaro Uribe and Manuel Santos,
Mexican Enrique Pena Nieto and others, greatly easing their ascent to
power.
El Salvador has close political and economic ties to the United
States, where, according to official data, at least 2.5 million
Salvadorans (out of 6 million) reside. In 2013 money transfers from them
reached 4 billion dollars. Salvadorans are constantly reminded in
various forms that a president unfriendly to the United States will
destroy the established harmony of relations, which cannot but affect
their prosperity.
In strengthening its position in Central America, the U.S. is
simultaneously disrupting the integration process within the framework
of CELAC and developing its own project, the Pacific Alliance.
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