Ganó el Primo de la Reina
Porque nos imaginamos que si están tan pendientes del nacimiento de la princesa británica, deben también estar interesados en sus elecciones.
David William Donald Cameron ganó las elecciones. Cameron es Primer Ministro desde 2010 (para los “demócratas” latinoamericanos pro-EE.UU. esto sería una dictadura).
El resultado de las elecciones fue sorprendente, incluso provocó la renuncia de los tres líderes de los partidos perdedores entre ellos el de Nigel Farage de UKIP.
Cameron líder del partido conservador desde 2005, es primo de la reina Elizabeth II al ser descendiente directo de William IV. También es onceavo primo por segunda generación de su esposa Samantha Cameron por descender los dos de James I.
Su tatarabuelo fue la cabeza del banco HSBC (ya sabemos que hace este banco) a finales del siglo 19 y trabajó junto al imperio de los Rothschilds para financiar la guerra ruso-japonesa.
Con esto vemos que todo queda en familia y seguimos siendo gobernados por la misma elite de siempre.
¡Pero qué importa!, es una linda la bebé de Will…
“It Doesn’t Quite Feel Right”: The British Election Result
So fell spin doctor par
excellence Alastair Campbell on the BBC’s commentary regarding the exit
poll from the broadcaster. The temperature in various party rooms
wasn’t quite right either. According to the Beeb’s prediction, the
Tories would be increasing their numbers to 316 seats, with Labour
getting a reduced 239 when all the results would be in. Another
prediction then followed: the conservatives would be able to govern in
their own right, heaving past the majority line. Others suggested that
the exit poll was “incredible” and “unbelievable”, a sort of forecast
from distant Narnia. Treat it with “caution”, claimed the First
Minister of Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon.
The attempt to “splinter” the
conservative bloc from the UK Independence Party side did not
materialise. Having ridden a wave of anti-European and anti-immigration
protest, the conservative attempt to chew some of that fat from the
reactionary side of politics may have neutralised what seemed to be an
ominous threat. Poundland Powellism may not have yielded Nigel Farage
the numbers he wants, but UKIP has left a large, and very persistent
stain of suspicion on the landscape.[1]
The splintering did take place,
though it assumed the form of a withering devastation for Labour in
Scotland at the hands of the lady deemed the “Tartan Terror”. Shadow
foreign secretary Douglas Alexander was butchered in the vote, as was
Jim Murphy, the Scottish Labour leader. Sturgeon will be thrilled, with
the Scottish nationalists posed to become the third largest power bloc
at Westminster.
The Liberal Democrats, the
ill-fated coalition partners of the Tory party, were given a predictable
mauling by an unforgiving electorate, with an outcome that will
probably yield it eight seats. It had held 57. Its former leader,
Charles Kennedy, lost his seat to the SNP in Ross, Skye and Lochaber.
Business secretary Vince
Cable lost Twickenham, a seat he has held since
1997. Lynne Featherstone was defeated in Honsey and Wood Green. Party
veteran Paddy Ashdown, having promised to eat his hat at the exit poll
result, will have to do just that.
Cleaning out was taking place in
other quarters. The headline grabbing George Galloway, the leader of
Respect, who had been reported to the police for sending out information
on an exit poll before the vote was concluded, lost his Bradford West
seat to Labour.[2]
The election did have its fair
share of observations before counting. There was the usual British
wonder at queues. A note on the Guardian blog observed: “Democracy in
action. Twitter users have posted pictures of long queues outside
polling stations up and down the country – a sign of decent turnout or
just bad organisation? Here’s hoping it’s the former.”[3]
Well, it was a form of
democracy, even if was hollowed out and qualified. “Face it my beloved
Britons,” claimed Pablo Guimón, UK correspondent for El País, “you’ve
got a weird electoral system. You might think it’s normal that the
Greens could get 10% of the vote and just one seat, while the SNP might
end up with 4% of the vote and 50 seats. But it’s not. Even if it does
stop Ukip.”[4]
What, then, did this election signify? In the optimistic analysis
from Josh Allen in Jacobin Magazine, it proved that there was, in fact, a
generative response to austerity and conservatism in Britain. “The
coalition government’s austerity agenda has fertilized an entire
ecosystem of activism that is focused on providing a sustained challenge
to neoliberalism, market fundamentalism, and ultimately, capital
itself.” That challenge will evidently have to continue.
There were the usual eccentric entries posing with variously serious
agendas, though these only registered as mild tremors on what was a
gradual return to British traditionalism. The “Give Me Back Elmo” Party
ambushed Prime Minister David Cameron at a polling station in
Oxfordshire with little effect. The party’s platform speaks of every
child’s “right to a Father” and halting “the discrimination against
Fathers in the secretive, gender bias family courts and end the
emotional child abuse.”[5]
A notable fact through this entire campaign was the political inking
out of Labour’s Miliband, a sort of erasure from history, be it by
slander or good old satire. He was bullied into rubbery confusion by
presenter Jeremy Paxman, who treated him as part git and part geek. He
was excoriated at every turn. Each public relations exercise looked
like an attempt to attain tenure in clumsiness and moronic hilarity.
The press proved unforgiving.
The response from British media outlets to Miliband’s Chatham House
speech on foreign policy was a near zero. This suggested much, if only
because Miliband expressed no room, let alone interest, in holding a
referendum on Europe and Britain’s links. “The threat of an in/out
referendum on an arbitrary year timetable, no clear goals for [the
Tories’] proposed European renegotiation, no strategy for achieving it…
poses a serious risk to Britain’s position in the world.” Such
sensibility will get you punished.
One premise, followed with
stubborn sleep-walking conviction, has been an insistence that a
succeeding coalition government would be impossible. Coalitions are the
venereal disease of the establishment – a result of ill-thought through
comingling that produces strange offspring. Neither Labour nor the
Tories were countenancing that – a distressing unnatural form of
government for the traditionalists, because it seems to the political
sages that voters do get it wrong. For the Tories, this has paid off.
For Labour, it has been fatal. After this election, the fans of
coalitions and opponents of rampant majority politics will have to wait
for another time.
Notes
No hay comentarios:
Publicar un comentario