By Phil Greaves
Recent developments regarding “rebel”
groups inside Syria have shed further light on the ideologies and
political aims of the militants waging war upon the Syrian state.
On
the 24th September, under the moniker of the “Islamist Alliance”, 11 of
the largest and most recognisable rebel brigades – a mix of supposed
“moderate Islamists” such as Liwa al-Tawhid, the largest “FSA”-branded
brigade in Aleppo, alongside more hardline Salafi/Jihadi brigades such
as Ahrar al-Sham, and Al Qaeda ideologues Jahbat al-Nusra - released a joint statement
denouncing the western-backed expatriates of the “National Coalition”
(NC), along with its equally impotent military arm, the “Supreme
Military Council” (SMC). Following this statement of intent, on the 29th
of September, up to 50 rebel groups operating primarily in the area of
Damascus merged to form Jaish al-Islam (Army of Islam). The Damascus
merger also included a wide-ranging demographic of militant groups, from
the supposed “moderate”, to overt Salafist hardliners. Jaish al-Islam
is dominated by Liwa al-Islam, a large rebel group formerly of “FSA”
branding, and led by Saudi-backed Zahran Alloush. Liwa al-Islam were
also a signatory to the aforementioned statement of denunciation toward
the western-backed political opposition.
These
announcements have effectively put-to-bed the western propagated myth
that was the “Free Syrian Army”. Militant groups the west ostensibly
touted as “secular moderates” yearning for “freedom and democracy” from a
tyrannical regime; have now openly declared their Salafi/Jihadi
fundamentalist ideology, with the ultimate aim of creating a Syrian
state ruled by Islamic law.
Already, these announcements are being portrayed
as an attempt by Saudi Arabia – yes, ever tolerant and inclusive
Wahhabi-preaching Saudi Arabia – and other leading Salafi factions
supporting the insurgency to steer “vetted, or moderate Salafi” rebels
away from the Al Qaeda aligned groups; particularly the Islamic State of
Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS), who are now portrayed as simply “foreign
jihadists” and have become the leading fall-guy in Western and Gulf
media for every atrocity committed by the rebels. This false perception
has been built as a result of a Western and Gulf initiated public relations campaign
to “moderate” the image of the Salafi/Jihadi fundamentalists (aswell as
those more inclined to basic criminality, killing, and destruction) who
may be more willing to meet the requirements of their Gulf donors and
the United States. Yet, contrary to this divisive narrative, the same
“moderate” Salafi’s who are now supposedly being encouraged to
disassociate from their Al Qaeda affiliates have happily fought
alongside – more often than not as a junior partner – the West’s
supposed “number one enemy” (AQ) since the insurgency began in 2011.
In
further contrast to the aforementioned “Awakening” narrative, Jabhat
al-Nusra (JaN) – the Syrian branch of Al Qaeda ideologues – are still
very much in the mix. Although various pundits and analysts have made
efforts to publicise tensions between ISIS and JaN, the two groups still
share a similar JIhadist ideology and cooperate in key areas,
particularly on paramilitary operations; as do the hardline Salafi
groups such as Ahrar Al-Sham, who in turn fully cooperate with the
western friendly “moderates” who now form the backbone of Jaish
al-Islam. In the recent ISIS takeover of the “FSA” held town of Azaz
from the western-friendly Northern Storm brigade (of John McCain fame),
Liwa al-Tahwid quickly offered to broker a ceasefire and acted as
interlocutor between the two warring factions. ISIS in turn, rejected
any “FSA” authority and have since taken control of the town – not that
Liwa al-Tahwid could have stopped them anyway. These events directly
contradict the notion that the new “Army of Islam” is in any rush to
disassociate, let alone be able to wage war upon the ISIS or its
extremist affiliates. Moreover, the leader of Jaish al-Islam, Zahran
Alloush, publicly disowned his own “captain” after he warned ISIS there
would be open conflict if they “continued this chaos”. The leader
claimed that the comments were “dangerous” and designed to “cause strife
between muslims”.
Furthermore, in a recent interview (Preview)
with Al Jazeera, Alloush, free of his “moderate” chains, lets loose on
his ideals for a future Syria, in which he aspires to resurrect the
Umayyad Empire (2nd Islamic Caliphate with Syria at its core and
Damascus as its capital), and “cleanse” Damascus of “Majous” (pejorative
Arabic term for Iranians) “Rafideh” (Shi’ites) and “Nusayris”
(Alawites). Rebel leaders espousing openly sectarian rhetoric has been a
running theme throughout the conflict; in line with this trend,
Alloush’s statement can be taken as a clear indication that his new
“Jaish al-Islam” is not in the least bit concerned with abiding by a
western-friendly moderate image. Alloush, like the majority of rebel
leaders, is a fundamentalist Salafist, who looks on at the minorities of
Syria as kafir (unbelievers) who must submit to his interpretation of
Salafi Islam or be killed.
The
western/Gulf media narrative surrounding this new “Islamist Alliance” is
a re-hash of failed PR campaigns of the past ; attempting to mitigate
the inherent fundamentalist ideologies of the insurgents waging war upon
the Syrian state. Syria has been a pluralistic secular society for
decades, the majority of its Sunni muslim population are conservative
and have coexisted peacefully alongside the many other religions and
ethnic minorities that make up Syria’s diverse society, history, and
culture. The people of Syria do not aspire to a Saudi sponsored
Salafi/Wahhabi leadership or doctrine of law. Contrary to the popular
narrative emerging in western and Gulf media that this new force will
represent an indigenous “moderate Islamist” coalition capable of taking
on the foreign elements and Al Qaeda, the majority of Syrians will be
repelled by the sectarian language and ideologies of Zohran Alloush, his
groups overt affiliations and pandering to Al Qaeda ideologues, and his
“Army of Islam”.
Considering the above context, the narrative of home-grown (Preview)
Salafis somehow being more amenable to the Syrian population than their
ISIS/JaN fundamentalist colleagues becomes even less tenable. Alloush’s
formation of Jaish al-Islam, alongside the “Islamist Alliance”
denunciation of the western-backed political opposition, show a marked
shift of the insurgency further toward the Al Qaeda ideologues fighting
the Syrian regime, not further away from them.
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