By Prof. James Petras
Introduction
President Hugo Chavez was unique in multiple areas of political, 
social and economic life. He made significant contributions to the 
advancement of humanity. The depth, scope and popularity of his 
accomplishments mark President Chavez as the ‘Renaissance President of 
the 21st Century’.
Many writers have noted one or another of his historic contributions 
highlighting his anti-poverty legislation, his success in winning 
popular elections with resounding majorities and his promotion of 
universal free public education and health coverage for all Venezuelans.
In this essay we will highlight the unique world-historic 
contributions that President Chavez made in the spheres of political 
economy, ethics and international law and in redefining relations 
between political leaders and citizens.  We shall start with his 
enduring contribution to the development of civic culture in Venezuela 
and beyond.
Hugo Chavez:  The Great Teacher of Civic Values
From his first days in office, Chavez was engaged in transforming the
 constitutional order so that political leaders and institutions would 
be more responsive to the popular electorate.  Through his speeches 
Chavez clearly and carefully informed the electorate of the measures and
 legislation to improve their livelihood.  He invited comments and 
criticism – his style was to engage in constant dialogue, especially 
with the poor, the unemployed and the workers.  Chavez was so successful
 in teaching civic responsibilities to the Venezuelan electorate that 
millions of citizens from the slums of Caracas rose up spontaneously to 
oust the US backed business-military junta which had kidnapped their 
president and closed the legislature.  Within seventy-two hours – record
 time – the civic-minded citizens restored the democratic order and the 
rule of law in Venezuela , thoroughly rejecting the mass media’s defense
 of the coup-plotters and their brief authoritarian regime.
Chavez, as all great educators, learned from this democratic 
intervention of the mass of citizens, that democracy’s most effective 
defenders were to be found among the working people – and that its worst
 enemies were found in the business elites and military officials linked
 to Miami and Washington.
Chavez civic pedagogy emphasized the importance of the historical 
teachings and examples of founding fathers, like Simon Bolivar, in 
establishing a national and Latin American identity.  His speeches 
raised the cultural level of millions of Venezuelans who had been raised
 in the alienating and servile culture of imperial Washington and the 
consumerist obsessions of Miami shopping malls.
Chavez succeeded in instilling a culture of solidarity and mutual 
support among the exploited, emphasizing ‘horizontal’ ties over vertical
 clientelistic dependency on the rich and powerful.  His success in 
creating collective consciousness decisively shifted the balance of 
political power away from the wealthy rulers and corrupt political party
 and trade union leaders toward new socialist movements and class 
oriented trade unions.    More than anything else Chavez’ political 
education of the popular majority regarding their social rights to free 
health care and higher education, living wages and full employment drew 
the hysterical ire of the wealthy Venezuelans and their undying hatred 
of a president who had created a sense of autonomy, dignity and ‘class 
empowerment’ through public education ending centuries of elite 
privilege and omnipotence.
Above all Chavez speeches, drawing as much from Bolivar as from Karl 
Marx, created a deep, generous sense of patriotism and nationalism  and a
 profound rejection of a  prostrate elite groveling before their 
Washington overlord, Wall Street bankers and oil company executives.  
Chavez’ anti-imperial speeches resonated because he spoke in the 
language of the people and expanded their national consciousness to 
identification with Latin America, especially Cuba ’s fight against 
imperial interventions and wars.
International Relations:  The Chavez Doctrine
At the beginning of the previous decade, after 9/11/01, Washington 
declared a ‘War on Terror’.  This was a public declaration of unilateral
 military intervention and wars against sovereign nations, movements and
 individuals deemed as adversaries, in violation of international law.
Almost all countries submitted to this flagrant violation of the 
Geneva Accords, except President Chavez, who made the most profound and 
simple refutation against Washington:  ‘You don’t fight terrorism with 
state terrorism’.  In his defense of the sovereignty of nations and 
international jurisprudence, Chavez underlined the importance of 
political and economic solutions to social problems and conflicts – 
repudiating the use of bombs, torture and mayhem. The Chavez Doctrine 
emphasized south-south trade and investments and diplomatic over 
military resolution of disputes.  He upheld the Geneva Accords against 
colonial and imperial aggression while rejecting the imperial doctrine 
of ‘the war on terror’, defining western state terrorism as a pernicious
 equivalent to Al Qaeda terrorism.
Political Theory and Practice:  The Grand Synthesizer
One of the most profound and influential aspects of Chavez’ legacy is
 his original synthesis of three grand strands of political thought:  
popular Christianity, Bolivarian nationalist and regional integration 
and Marxist political, social and economic thought.  Chavez’ 
Christianity informed his deep belief in justice and the equality of 
people, as well as his generosity and forgiveness of adversaries even as
 they engaged in a violent coup, a crippling lockout, or openly 
collaborated and received financing from enemy intelligence agencies.  
Whereas anywhere else in the world, armed assaults against the state and
 coup d’états would result in long prison sentences or even executions, 
under Chavez most of his violent adversaries escaped prosecution and 
even rejoined their subversive organizations.  Chavez demonstrated a 
deep belief in redemption and forgiveness.  Chavez’s Christianity 
informed his ‘option for the poor’, the depth and breadth of his 
commitment to eradicating poverty and his solidarity with the poor 
against the rich.
Chavez deep-seated aversion and effective opposition to US and 
European imperialism and brutal Israeli colonialism were profoundly 
rooted in his reading of the writings and history of Simon Bolivar, the 
founding father of the Venezuelan nation.  Bolivarian ideas on national 
liberation long preceded any exposure to Marx, Lenin or more 
contemporary leftist writings on imperialism.  His powerful and 
unwavering support for regional integration and internationalism was 
deeply influenced by Simon Bolivar’s proposed ‘United States of Latin 
America’ and his internationalist activity in support of anti-colonial 
movements.
Chavez’ incorporation of Marxist ideas into his world view was 
adapted to his longstanding popular Christian and Bolivarian 
internationalist philosophy.  Chavez’ option for the poor was deepened 
by his recognition of the centrality of the class struggle and the 
reconstruction of the Bolivarian nation through the socialization of the
 ‘commanding heights of the economy’.  The socialist conception of 
self-managed factories and popular empowerment via community councils 
was given moral legitimacy by Chavez’ Christian faith in an egalitarian 
moral order.
While Chavez was respectful and carefully listened to the views of 
visiting leftist academics and frequently praised their writings, many 
failed to recognize or, worse, deliberately ignored the President’s own 
more original synthesis of history, religion and Marxism.  
Unfortunately, as is frequently the case, some leftist academics have, 
in their self-indulgent posturing, presumed to be Chavez’ ‘teacher’ and 
advisor on all matters of ‘Marxist theory’:  This represents a style of 
leftist cultural colonialism, which snidely criticized Chavez for not 
following their ready-made prescriptions, published in their political 
literary journals in London, New York and Paris.
Fortunately, Chavez took what was useful from the overseas academics 
and NGO-funded political strategists while discarding ideas that failed 
to take account of the  cultural-historical, class and rentier 
specificities of Venezuela .
Chavez has bequeathed to the intellectuals and activists of the world
 a method of thinking which is global and specific, historical and 
theoretical, material and ethical and which encompasses class analysis, 
democracy and a spiritual transcendence resonating with the great mass 
of humanity in a language every person can understand.  Chavez’ 
philosophy and practice (more than any ‘discourse’ narrated by the 
social forum-hopping experts) demonstrated that the art of formulating 
complex ideas in simple language can move millions of people to ‘make 
history, and not only to study it’..
Toward Practical Alternatives to Neoliberalism and Imperialism
Perhaps Chavez greatest contribution in the contemporary period was 
to demonstrate, through practical measures and political initiatives, 
that many of the most challenging contemporary political and economic 
problems can be successfully resolved.
Radical Reform of a Rentier State
Nothing is more difficult than changing the social structure, 
institutions and attitudes of a rentier petro-state, with deeply 
entrenched clientelistic politics, endemic party-state corruption and a 
deeply-rooted mass psychology based on consumerism.  Yet Chavez largely 
succeeded where other petro-regimes failed.  The Chavez Administration 
first began with constitutional and institutional changes to create a 
new political framework; then he implemented social impact programs, 
which deepened political commitments among an active majority, which, in
 turn, bravely defended the regime from a violent US backed 
business-military coup d’état.  Mass mobilization and popular support, 
in turn, radicalized the Chavez government and made way for a deeper 
socialization of the economy and the implementation of radical agrarian 
reform.  The petrol industry was socialized; royalty and tax payments 
were raised to provide funds for massively expanded social expenditures 
benefiting the majority of Venezuelans.
Almost every day Chavez prepared clearly understandable educational 
speeches on social, ethical and political topics related to his regime’s
 redistributive policies by emphasizing social solidarity over 
individualistic acquisitive consumerism.  Mass organizations and 
community and trade union movements flourished – a new social 
consciousness emerged ready and willing to advance social change and 
confront the wealthy and powerful.  Chavez’ defeat of the US-backed coup
 and bosses’ lockout and his affirmation of the Bolivarian tradition and
 sovereign identity of Venezuela created a powerful nationalist 
consciousness which eroded the rentier mentality and strengthened the 
pursuit of a diversified ‘balanced economy’.  This new political will 
and national productive consciousness was a great leap forward, even as 
the main features of a rentier-oil dependent economy persist.  This 
extremely difficult transition has begun and is an ongoing process.  
Overseas leftist theorists, who criticize Venezuela (‘corruption’, 
‘bureaucracy’) have profoundly ignored the enormous difficulties of 
transitioning from a rentier state to a socialized economy and the 
enormous progress achieved by Chavez.
Economic Crisis Without Capitalist Austerity
Throughout the crisis-wracked capitalist world, ruling labor, social 
democratic, liberal and conservative regimes have imposed regressive 
‘austerity programs’ involving brutal reductions of social welfare, 
health and education expenditures and mass layoffs of workers and 
employees while handing our generous state subsidies and bailouts to 
failing banks and capitalist enterprises.  Chanting their Thacherite 
slogan, ‘there is no alternative’, capitalist economists justify 
imposing the burden of ‘capitalist recovery’ onto the working class 
while allowing capital to recover its profits in order to invest.
Chavez’ policy was the direct opposite: In the midst of crisis, he 
retained all the social programs, rejected mass firings and increased 
social spending.  The Venezuelan economy rode out of the worldwide 
crisis and recovered with a healthy 5.8% growth rate in 2012.    In 
other words, Chavez demonstrated that mass impoverishment was a product 
of the specific capitalist ‘formula’ for recovery.  He showed another, 
positive alternative approach to economic crisis, which taxed the rich, 
promoted public investments and maintained social expenditures.
Social Transformation in a ‘Globalized Economy’
Many commentators, left, right and center, have argued that the 
advent of a ‘globalized economy’ ruled out a radical social 
transformation.  Yet Venezuela , which is profoundly globalized and 
integrated into the world market via trade and investments, has made 
major advances in social reform.  What really matters in relation to a 
globalized economy is the nature of the political economic regime and 
its policies, which dictate how the gains and costs of international 
trade and investment are distributed.  In a word, what is decisive is 
the ‘class character of the regime’ managing its place in the world 
economy.  Chavez certainly did not ‘de-link’ from the world economy; 
rather he has re-linked Venezuela in a new way.  He shifted Venezuelan 
trade and investment toward Latin America, Asia and the Middle East – 
especially to countries which do not intervene or impose reactionary 
conditions on economic transactions.
Anti-Imperialism in a Time of an Imperialist Offensive
In a time of a virulent US—EU imperialist offensive involving 
‘pre-emptive’ military invasions, mercenary interventions, torture, 
assassinations and drone warfare in Iraq, Mali, Syria, Yemen, Libya, and
 Afghanistan and brutal economic sanctions and sabotage against Iran; 
Israeli colonial expulsions of thousands of Palestinians financed by the
 US; US-backed military coups in Honduras and Paraguay and aborted 
revolutions via puppets in Egypt and Tunisia, President Chavez, alone, 
stood as the principled defender of anti-imperialist politics.  Chavez 
deep commitment to anti-imperialism stands in marked contrast to the 
capitulation of Western self-styled ‘Marxist’ intellectuals who mouthed 
crude justifications for their support of NATO bombing Yugoslavia and 
Libya, the French invasion of  Mali and the Saudi-French 
(‘Monarcho-Socialist’) funding and arming of Islamist mercenaries 
against Syria.  These same London, New York and Paris-based 
‘intellectuals’ who patronized Chavez as a mere ‘populist’ or 
‘nationalist’ and claimed he should have listened to their lectures and 
read their books, had crassly capitulated under the pressure of the 
capitalist state and mass media into supporting ‘humanitarian 
interventions’ (aka NATO bombing)… and justified their opportunism in 
the language of obscure leftists sects.  Chavez confronted NATO 
pressures and threats, as well as the destabilizing subversion of his 
domestic opponents and courageously articulated the most profound and 
significant principles of 20th and 21st Marxism:  
the inviolate right to self-determination of oppressed nations and 
unconditional opposition to imperial wars. While Chavez spoke and acted 
in defense of anti-imperialist principles, many in the European and US 
left acquiesced in imperial wars:  There were virtually no mass 
protests, the ‘anti-war’ movements were co-opted or moribund, the 
British ‘Socialist’ Workers Party defended the massive NATO bombing of 
Libya, the French ‘Socialists’ invaded Mali- with the support of the 
‘Anti-Capitalist’ Party.  Meanwhile, the ‘populist’ Chavez had 
articulated a far more profound and principled understanding of Marxist 
practice, certainly than his self-appointed overseas Marxist ‘tutors’.
No other political leader or for that matter, leftist academic, 
developed, deepened and extended the central tenets of anti-imperialist 
politics in the era of global imperialist warfare with greater acuity 
than Hugo Chavez.
Transition from a Failed Neo-Liberal to a Dynamic Welfare State
Chavez’ programmatic and comprehensive reconfiguration of Venezuela 
from a disastrous and failed neo-liberal regime to a dynamic welfare 
state stands as a landmark in 20th and 21st 
century political economy.  Chavez’ successful reversal of neo-liberal 
institutions and policies, as well as his re-nationalization of the 
‘commanding heights of the economy’ demolished the reigning neo-liberal 
dogma derived from the Thatcher-Reagan era enshrined in the slogan: 
‘There is no alternative’ to brutal neo-liberal policies, or TINA.
Chavez rejected privatization – he re-nationalized key oil related 
industries, socialized hundreds of capitalist firms and carried out a 
vast agrarian reform program, including land distribution to 300,000 
families.  He encouraged trade union organizations and worker control of
 factories – even bucking public managers and even his own cabinet 
ministers.  In Latin America , Chavez led the way in defining with 
greater depth and with more comprehensive social changes, the post 
neo-liberal era.  Chavez envisioned the transition from neo-liberalism 
to a new socialized welfare state as an international process and 
provided financing and political support for new regional organizations 
like ALBA, PetroCaribe, and UNASUR.  He rejected the idea of building a 
welfare state in one country and formulated a theory of post-neo-liberal
 transitions based on international solidarity.  Chavez’ original ideas 
and policies regarding the post-neo-liberal transition escaped the 
armchair Marxists and the globetrotting Social Forum NGO pundits whose 
inconsequential ‘global alternatives’ succeeded primarily in securing 
 imperial foundation funding.
Chavez demonstrated through theory and practice that neo-liberalism 
was indeed reversible – a major political breakthrough of the 21st century.
Beyond Social Liberalism:  The Radical Definition of Post-Neo-Liberalism
The US-EU promoted neo-liberal regimes have collapsed under the 
weight of the deepest economic crisis since the Great Depression.  
Massive unemployment led to popular uprisings, new elections and the 
advent of center-left regimes in most of Latin America , which rejected 
or at least claimed to repudiate ‘neo-liberalism’.  Most of these 
regimes promulgated legislation and executive directives to fund poverty
 programs, implement financial controls and make productive investments,
 while raising minimum wages and stimulating employment.  However few 
lucrative enterprises were actually re-nationalized.  Addressing 
inequalities and the concentration of wealth were not part of their 
agenda.  They formulated their strategy of working with Wall Street 
investors, local agro-mineral exporters and co-opted trade unions.
Chavez posed a profoundly different alternative to this form of 
‘post-neoliberalism’.  He nationalized resource industries, excluded 
Wall Street speculators and limited the role of the agro-mineral 
elites.  He posed a socialized welfare state as an alternative to the 
reigning social-liberal orthodoxy of the center-left regimes, even as he
 worked with these regimes in promoting Latin American integration and 
opposing US backed coups.
Chavez was both a leader defining a more socialized alternative to 
social liberation and the conscience pressuring his allies to advance 
further.
Socialism and Democracy
Chavez opened a new and extraordinarily original and complex path to 
socialism based on free elections, re-educating the military to uphold 
democratic and constitutional principals, and the development of mass 
and community media.  He ended the capitalist mass media monopolies and 
strengthened civil society as a counter-weight to US-sponsored 
para-military and fifth column elites intent on destabilizing the 
democratic state.
No other democratic-socialist president had successfully resisted 
imperial destabilization campaigns – neither Jagan in Guyana , Manley in
 Jamaica , nor Allende in Chile .  From the very outset Chavez saw the 
importance of creating a solid legal-political framework to facilitate 
executive leadership, promote popular civil society organizations and 
end US penetration of the state apparatus (military and police).  Chavez
 implemented radical social impact programs that ensured the loyalty and
 active allegiance of popular majorities and weakened the economic 
levers of political power long held by the capitalist class.  As a 
result Venezuela ’s political leaders, soldiers and officers loyal to 
its constitution and the popular masses crushed a bloody rightwing coup,
 a crippling bosses’ lockout and a US-financed referendum and proceeded 
to implement further radical socio-economic reforms in a prolonged 
process of cumulative socialization.
Chavez’s originality, in part the result of trial and error, was his 
‘experimental method’: His profound understanding and response to 
popular attitudes and behavior was deeply rooted in Venezuela ’s history
 of racial and class in justice and popular rebelliousness.  More than 
any previous socialist leader, Chavez traveled, spoke and listened to 
Venezuela ’s popular classes on questions of everyday life.  His 
‘method’ was to translate micro based knowledge into macro programed 
changes.  In practice he was the anti-thesis of the overseas and local 
intellectual know-it-alls who literally spoke down to the people and who
 saw themselves as the ‘masters of the world’ …at least, in the 
micro-world of left academia, ingrown socialist conferences and 
self-centered monologues.  The death of Hugo Chavez was profoundly 
mourned by millions in Venezuela and hundreds of million around the 
world because his transition to socialism was their path; he listened to
 their demands and he acted upon them effectively.
Social Democracy and National Security
Chavez was a socialist president for over 13 years in the face of 
large-scale, long-term violent opposition and financial sabotage from 
Washington , the local economic elite and mass media moguls.  Chavez 
created the political consciousness that motivated millions of workers 
and secured the constitutional loyalty of the military to defeat a 
bloody US-backed business-military coup in 2002.  Chavez tempered social
 changes in accordance with a realistic assessment of what the political
 and legal order could support.  First and foremost, Chavez secured the 
loyalty of the military by ending US ‘advisory’ missions and overseas 
imperial indoctrination while substituting intensive courses on 
Venezuelan history, civic responsibility and the critical link between 
the popular classes and the military in a common national mission..
Chavez’ national security policies were based on democratic 
principles as well as a clear recognition of the serious threats to 
Venezuelan sovereignty.  He successfully safeguarded both national 
security and the democratic rights and political freedoms of its 
citizens, a feat which has earned Venezuela the admiration and envy of 
constitutional lawyers and citizens of the US and the EU.
In stark contrast, US President Obama has assumed the power to 
assassinate US citizens based on secret information and without trial 
both in and out of the US .  His Administration has murdered ‘targeted’ 
US citizens and their children, jailed others without trial and 
maintains secret ‘files’ on over 40 million Americans.  Chavez never 
assumed those powers and never assassinated or tortured a single 
Venezuelan.  In Venezuela , the dozen or so prisoners convicted of 
violent acts of subversion after open trials in Venezuelan courts, stand
 in sharp contrast to the tens of thousands of jailed and secretly 
framed Muslims and Latin American immigrants in the US .  Chavez 
rejected state terror; while Obama has special assassination teams on 
the ground in over 70 countries.  Obama supports arbitrary police 
invasions of ‘suspect’ homes and workplaces based on ‘secret evidence’ 
while.  Chavez even tolerated the activities of known foreign 
(CIA)-funded opposition parties.  In a word, Obama uses ‘national 
security’ to destroy democratic freedoms while Chavez upheld democratic 
freedoms and imposed constitutional limits on the national security 
apparatus.
Chavez sought peaceful diplomatic resolution of conflicts with 
hostile neighbors, such as Colombia which hosts seven US military bases –
 potential springboards for US intervention.  On the other hand, Obama 
has engaged in open war with at least seven countries and has been 
pursuing covert hostile action against dozens of others.
Conclusion
Chavez’s legacy is multi-faceted.  His contributions are original, 
theoretical and practical and universally relevant.  He demonstrated in 
‘theory and practice’ how a small country can defend itself against 
imperialism, maintain democratic principles and implement advanced 
social programs.  His pursuit of regional integration and promotion of 
ethical standards in the governance of a nation – provide examples 
profoundly relevant in a capitalist world awash in corrupt politicians 
slashing living standards while enriching the plutocrats.
Chavez’ rejection of the Bush-Obama doctrine of using ‘state terror 
to fight terror’, his affirmation that the roots of violence are social 
in justice , economic pillage and political oppression and his belief 
that resolving these underlying issues is the road to peace, stands as 
the ethical-political guide for humanity’s survival.
Faced with a violent world of imperial counter-revolution, and 
resolved to stand with the oppressed of the world, Hugo Chavez enters 
world history as a complete political leader, with the stature of the 
most humane and multi-faceted leader of our epoch:  the Renaissance 
figure for the 21st century.

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